{"id":87,"date":"2025-10-02T03:35:40","date_gmt":"2025-10-02T03:35:40","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.thebrokeronline.eu\/international-peacemaker\/"},"modified":"2025-10-02T03:35:40","modified_gmt":"2025-10-02T03:35:40","slug":"international-peacemaker","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/www.thebrokeronline.eu\/articles\/international-peacemaker\/","title":{"rendered":"International Peacemaker"},"content":{"rendered":"<section class=\"content column wide left article content view\" id=\"content\">\n<div class=\"edit image\">\n\t\t<img decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/www.thebrokeronline.eu\/files\/var\/broker\/storage\/images\/images\/broker-17\/intern-peacemaker-2-pag.24\/723425-1-eng-gb\/intern-peacemaker-2-pag.24_full_view.jpg\" alt=\"Jan Egeland, former UN special envoy, at a conference in Oslo, Norway, May 2009.\">\n\t<\/div>\n<article class=\"fader  Research article\">\n<header class=\"contents\">\n<div class=\"share\">\n\t\t\t<script type=\"text\/javascript\">\n    var addthis_config = {\n        ui_language = 'en'\n    }\n<\/script><\/p>\n<div class=\"addthis sharing\">\n\t<!-- AddThis Button BEGIN --><\/p>\n<div class=\"addthis_toolbox addthis_default_style addthis_32x32_style\" addthis:title=\"International peacemaker\">\n\t<a class=\"addthis_button_twitter\" tw:via=\"thebrokeronline\"><\/a><br \/>\n\t<a class=\"addthis_button_facebook\"><\/a><br \/>\n\t<a class=\"addthis_button_pinterest_share\"><\/a><br \/>\n\t<a class=\"addthis_button_preferred_4\"><\/a><br \/>\n\t<a class=\"addthis_button_compact\"><\/a><br \/>\n\t<a class=\"addthis_counter addthis_bubble_style\"><\/a>\n\t<\/div>\n<p>\t<script type=\"text\/javascript\">var addthis_config = data_track_addressbar;<\/script><br \/>\n\t<script type=\"text\/javascript\" src=\"https:\/\/www.thebrokeronline.eu\/files\/js\/300\/addthis_widget.js\"><\/script><br \/>\n\t<!-- AddThis Button END -->\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"addthis article_options\">\n    \t\t\t\t\t\t<a title=\"Export article to PDF\" class=\"pdf\" href=\"https:\/\/www.thebrokeronline.eu\" target=\"_blank\"><img decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/www.thebrokeronline.eu\/files\/extension\/broker\/design\/broker\/images\/pdficon.png\" alt=\"pdf\"><\/a>\n\t\t\t<\/div>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<div class=\"clear\"><\/div>\n<h1>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\tInternational peacemaker<br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/h1>\n<h2>Norwegian development cooperation<\/h2>\n<div class=\"clear\"><\/div>\n<div class=\"pubDate\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"https:\/\/www.thebrokeronline.eu\/experts-and-authors\/simonsen-sven-gunnar\/\">Sven Gunnar&nbsp;Simonsen<\/a>\t\t|<br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\tNovember 30, 2025\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n<\/header>\n<div class=\"intro contents\">\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">Norway is a generous donor and enjoys high visibility as a peace broker. Public support is high, despite criticism from some quarters. It now wants to rejuvenate the UN and work more closely with the EU.<\/p>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<div class=\"body contents\">\n\t\t<!-- body --><\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">\n<div class=\"object-left\">\n<div class=\"embedded-image medium\" style=\"width:300px;\">\n\t\t\t<a href=\"https:\/\/www.thebrokeronline.eu\/files\/var\/broker\/storage\/images\/images\/broker-17\/international-peacemaker-pag.24\/723417-1-eng-gb\/international-peacemaker-pag.24.jpg\" target=\"\" rel=\"prettyPhoto\"><br \/>\n\t\t\t<img decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/www.thebrokeronline.eu\/files\/var\/broker\/storage\/images\/images\/broker-17\/international-peacemaker-pag.24\/723417-1-eng-gb\/international-peacemaker-pag.24_medium.jpg\" alt=\"\" align=\"left\"><br \/>\n\t\t<\/a><\/p>\n<div class=\"attribute-caption\" style=\"width:300px;\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<strong>Alamy\/ Tompiodesign<\/strong>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">Norway reached its goal of spending 1% of gross national income on official development assistance in 2009. Opposition parties and others criticize key elements of the government\u2019s foreign policy but the outcome of the parliamentary elections in September 2009 points to a steady course for the next four years: further increases in Norway\u2019s aid budget and a continuation of the government\u2019s international agenda.<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">Norway has a very strong economy and has been less affected by the global economic crisis than most comparable countries. The government has been able to maintain a level of international assistance and retain Norway\u2019s position as one of the world\u2019s top donors in relative terms. In real terms, the situation is even more striking: with the national income growing rapidly \u2013 fuelled by high oil prices \u2013 Norway was able to double its international assistance between 1999 and 2008.<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">As Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg\u2019s centre-left coalition government embarks on a second four-year term, its priorities have already been set. New white papers on foreign policy, development assistance and humanitarian aid promise a continued focus on and further integration between these policy sectors.<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">According to the government, Norway\u2019s foreign policy interests in an increasingly interconnected world \u2018can no longer be limited to narrow self-interest\u2019. An international legal order and multilateral regimes are seen as \u2018vital\u2019 to Norway; addressing climate change and violent conflict are identified as focal points in the fight against poverty and it is argued that globalization \u2018is increasingly turning peacebuilding, international organization and human rights into <i>realpolitik\u2019.<\/i><a name=\"eztoc25866_0_1\" id=\"eztoc25866_0_1\"><\/a><\/p>\n<h2>Scale and structure<\/h2>\n<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">Norway has spent some 250 billion kroner (\u20ac30 billion) on international development assistance since the 1950s. The target of 1% of gross national income was set in 2005 by the new coalition (Labour, Socialist Left and Centre parties). The government reached this target in the 2009 budget, when the allocations for long-term cooperation, humanitarian aid, peacebuilding and cooperation in research and business were increased to \u20ac3.12 billion.<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">In 2008, 44% of Norway\u2019s total aid was bilateral, 24% multilateral and 27% multi-bilateral with 5% going to administration costs. In all, 110 countries received bilateral aid from Norway. Top of the list was Afghanistan (\u20ac88 million), followed by Tanzania, Sudan, the Palestinian Authority-Administered Territories, Mozambique, Uganda, Zambia, Malawi, Nepal and Serbia.<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) manages long-term state-to-state cooperation, as well as Norway\u2019s multilateral assistance and humanitarian aid. The MFA includes the Ministry of the Environment and International Development: in 2007, the International Development Minister, Erik Solheim, also took responsibility for the Ministry of the Environment, since when environmental issues have been pushed up the aid agenda.<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">Norad, the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation, is the main public implementing organization besides the MFA. As a directorate within the MFA, Norad\u2019s role is to ensure that foreign aid is effective and that quality control and evaluation processes are in place. It provides finance to NGOs and carries out its own research and development projects. A substantial part of bilateral aid is channelled through NGOs. The five largest \u2013 Norwegian Church Aid, the Norwegian Refugee Council, the Norwegian Red Cross, Norwegian People\u2019s Aid and Save the Children Norway \u2013 received a total of \u20ac237.5 million in 2008.<a name=\"eztoc25866_0_2\" id=\"eztoc25866_0_2\"><\/a><\/p>\n<h2>Policy priorities<\/h2>\n<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">The cornerstones of Norway\u2019s development and foreign policy are the scale of its international assistance and its role as a mediator in international peace processes. Indeed, the two have become increasingly interconnected in recent years.<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">Norwegian priorities reflect changes in the global landscape (such as armed conflict, migration and climate change) as well as the ideological profile of current and recent governments. The underlying justification for aid has shifted to some extent, from a conservative concept of moral obligation to a social democratic one of international solidarity.<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">Norway is a \u2018soft\u2019 donor: assistance is generally directed to the poorest countries in accordance with the UN Millennium Development Goals; self-interest in terms of security is mostly not an issue. Assistance is untied with a large proportion given as general budget support.<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">Norway is the world\u2019s seventh largest donor to the UN system (2007). The government is eager to revitalize the UN now that the George W. Bush administration has left office. But it is also disappointed with UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon\u2019s leadership. A leaked MFA memo in August 2009 described Ban Ki-moon as uncharismatic, hot-tempered, invisible and irrelevant on several political issues, including the global economic crisis, poverty, Sri Lanka and Burma.<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">The European Union features less prominently than the UN as a partner in development. Although not a member, Norway is closely integrated with the EU. A 2009 white paper on international assistance states the government will cooperate more closely on development issues.<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">For the MFA, Norway\u2019s main development policy objectives are to \u2018fight poverty and bring about social justice\u2019 and to focus on \u2018areas where Norway can make the greatest contribution\u2019. In a 2009 white paper on foreign policy, the country\u2019s strengths are explicitly linked to the character of Norwegian society, described as \u2018a resource reservoir and tool for Norwegian foreign policy\u2019. In some areas, such as human rights and women and gender equality, Norway is itself a top performer. Other areas reflect its broader international profile: the environment, peacebuilding, human rights, humanitarian assistance and good governance. Projects in democratization receive substantial support, including political diversity, civil society development, media development and security and justice sector reform.<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">International assistance is also provided to sectors where Norway has particular technical competence. Its first development initiative, for example, was a fisheries project in Kerala, India. Today, assistance for technology transfer and resource-related governance focus on oil, gas and clean energy sources, primarily channelled through the Norad programme, Oil for Development (OfD), and the smaller, Clean Energy for Development. OfD operates in more than 25 countries. In recent years, Norway has, for example, helped draft Timor-Leste\u2019s petroleum law which emulates legislation governing Norway\u2019s own \u2018Oil Fund\u2019. OfD\u2019s expenditures in 2009 were expected to reach \u20ac30 million, with Mozambique, Sudan and Timor-Leste the biggest recipients. Renewable energy is also a target area for Norfund, a government-owned finance institution that invests in companies in developing countries. Norfund\u2019s total investment portfolio stood at \u20ac641 million at the end of 2008.<a name=\"eztoc25866_0_3\" id=\"eztoc25866_0_3\"><\/a><\/p>\n<h2>Financial clout<\/h2>\n<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">Norway enjoys a high international profile as a generous donor and as a peacemaker. The country also commands respect for its financial strength. By early 2009, Norway\u2019s Government Pension Fund \u2013 Global or simply the \u2018Oil Fund\u2019, owned 1% of the world\u2019s stock markets, making it the second-biggest sovereign wealth fund. Under finance minister Kristin Halvorsen, of the Socialist Left Party, the fund has taken an increasingly activist role. Ethical guidelines bar it from making investments that may contribute, for example, to human rights violations, corruption or environmental damage. The fund has made international headlines by pulling out of companies such as Walmart (because of its labour practices) and Israel\u2019s Elbit Systems Ltd (because of its involvement in the construction of the barrier between Israel and the West Bank).<a name=\"eztoc25866_0_4\" id=\"eztoc25866_0_4\"><\/a><\/p>\n<h2>A peacemaking role<\/h2>\n<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">Norway\u2019s active role as a peace mediator and facilitator is often explained by reference to particular traits of Norway itself. In 1988, a young scholar and activist, Jan Egeland, published his thesis which would become a manifesto of sorts for Norway\u2019s future role as a peacemaker. Egeland argued that Norway was particularly well suited to play such a role \u2013 a small country with no colonial past and no great power ambitions. A couple of years later, Egeland was hired as a deputy minister of foreign affairs and got, in his own words, the opportunity \u2018to create the empirical material that was missing in the thesis\u2019. Behind the scenes, Egeland was a key player in the 1993 Oslo Accords between Israel and the Palestinians. He also played an important role in the peace process that led to the 1996 peace accords and ended Guatemala\u2019s 36-year civil conflict.\t<\/p>\n<div class=\"object-left\">\n<div class=\"embedded-image large\" style=\"width:276px;\">\n\t\t\t<a href=\"https:\/\/www.thebrokeronline.eu\/files\/var\/broker\/storage\/images\/images\/broker-17\/intern-peacemaker-3-pag.26\/723433-1-eng-gb\/intern-peacemaker-3-pag.26.jpg\" target=\"\" rel=\"prettyPhoto\"><br \/>\n\t\t\t<img decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/www.thebrokeronline.eu\/files\/var\/broker\/storage\/images\/images\/broker-17\/intern-peacemaker-3-pag.26\/723433-1-eng-gb\/intern-peacemaker-3-pag.26_large.jpg\" alt=\"\" align=\"left\"><br \/>\n\t\t<\/a><\/p>\n<div class=\"attribute-caption\" style=\"width:276px;\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<strong>Reuters\/ Anuruddha Lokuhapuarachchi<\/strong>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n<div class=\"attribute-caption\" style=\"width:276px;\">\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"><i>Norway\u2019s role as peacemaker is not always appreciated. Protesters in Colombo, Sri Lanka, April 2006.<\/i>\n\t\t<\/div>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">Norway has since been involved in peace processes in Sri Lanka, Sudan, the Middle East, Colombia, the Philippines, Timor-Leste, Haiti, Burundi, Eritrea, Mali and Cyprus. In several cases, the government has worked with Norwegian NGOs already present \u2018on the ground\u2019. The government\u2019s extraordinary readiness to cooperate with NGOs in foreign policy is the key aspect of what is often called \u2018the Norwegian model\u2019.<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">With no historically \u2018natural\u2019 aid partners, the direction of Norwegian international assistance has first and foremost been determined by need. The largest proportion of Norwegian aid has thus gone to sub-Saharan Africa: today, five out of Norway\u2019s seven main partnership countries are Tanzania, Mozambique, Uganda, Zambia and Malawi. The remaining two are Bangladesh and Nepal.<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">International assistance also follows Norway\u2019s engagement in peace processes. Sudan, the Palestinian Authority-administered territories and Sri Lanka were major recipients from 2005 to 2008. The promise of aid has made concessions more palatable in negotiations and funding has sought to ensure that an agreed peace will last.<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">The role as peacemaker is not without its disappointments. Back home the most controversial topic is the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Successive governments have prided themselves on their balanced relationship of trust with leaders on both sides of the conflict. But with the Israelis and Palestinians both becoming more radicalized since the 1993 Oslo Accords, this \u2018balance\u2019 has become more complicated. Israeli authorities, in particular, have criticized Norway and at home the government has come under repeated fire from the pro-Israel Progress Party and the Christian People\u2019s Party.<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">In recent years, a major factor affecting assistance has been the deployment of the Norwegian army. Humanitarian and development aid have followed Norwegian forces into Bosnia, Kosovo and, above all, Afghanistan. In Afghanistan, the Norwegian government has encouraged its main Norwegian NGO partners to concentrate their work in Maymana in the northern province of Faryab, where Norway runs an International Security Assistance Force provincial reconstruction team. Afghanistan is today the largest single recipient of bilateral aid from Norway. As such, it may also be said to constitute a major challenge in terms of the politicization of aid. Whereas it is difficult to question the needs of the country, it is clear that aid here is part of a package aimed at \u2018winning hearts and minds\u2019.&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">&nbsp;Norway\u2019s involvement with the conflict in Sri Lanka gradually became unpopular with both parties. Erik Solheim\u2019s readiness early on to talk with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam angered nationalists and the Sri Lankan government; later in 2009, as the LTTE was approaching its final defeat against the Sri Lankan army, Solheim alienated the Tamils by encouraging the LTTE to lay down their arms.<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">The situation in Afghanistan also points to the tension inherent in the aim of integrating foreign (and defence) policy with international assistance: traditionally, at least in principle, the former has been seen as an arena of legitimate self interest and the latter one of altruism. A concept of \u2018expanded self-interest\u2019 formulated in the 2009 white paper on foreign policy may be read as an attempt to square that circle.<a name=\"eztoc25866_0_5\" id=\"eztoc25866_0_5\"><\/a><\/p>\n<h2>Questioning Norwegian aid<\/h2>\n<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">A common claim by sceptics in Norway, as in other countries, is that large sums are lost to corruption and bureaucracy and that the aid does little, if anything, to reduce poverty in developing countries. Controversies specific to Norway concern the close ties between the MFA, development and humanitarian NGOs and academia. Critics also challenge the country\u2019s role as peacemaker \u2013 its rationale and its rate of success.<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">Foreign policy priorities and practice have traditionally been consensual in Norway. However, discussion concerning Norway\u2019s international role and engagement has changed significantly over the last decade or so. To a large extent, this is due to the rise of the Progress Party, Europe\u2019s most enduring right-wing populist party. Declaring \u2018traditional assistance\u2019 to be ineffectual, and comparing its costs to the unmet needs of Norway\u2019s own sick and elderly, the party has called for drastic cuts in development assistance. Norway\u2019s second-largest party, the Progress Party is also sceptical of Norway\u2019s role as a peacemaker.<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">The Conservative Party, the largest on the right before the rise of the Progress Party, on the other hand, has overseen a steady increase in international assistance while in government. In the 2009 election campaign, the party criticized the Labour-led government for turning the 1% target into a \u2018mantra\u2019 and caring less about how the money was actually spent; cuts, however, were not the main point.<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">In the 1990s, there was also significant scepticism in the Conservative Party over Norway\u2019s emerging role as an international peacemaker. However, the 2001-2005 centre-right coalition government, led by Prime Minister Kjell Magne Bondevik of the Christian People\u2019s Party, continued on its predecessor\u2019s diplomatic course. It was during Bondevik\u2019s government, for instance, that Norway\u2019s peacemaking efforts in Sri Lanka began \u2013 led, incidentally, by Erik Solheim of the Socialist Left Party.<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">In the September 2009 election campaign, disagreement over foreign and development policy weakened the prospects for a coalition between the Conservative, the Progress and Christian People\u2019s Parties. The disagreement between the last two on international aid issues appeared insurmountable, even though the Progress Party softened its \u2018cut-aid-to-the-bone\u2019 image, pledging to be \u2018critical of the system of forced contributions to state development aid through taxation\u2019 and to focus instead on investment in developing economy enterprises. It may be added that Norway does not have a strong tradition of private philanthropy.\t<\/p>\n<div class=\"object-left\">\n<div class=\"embedded-image article_full\" style=\"width:580px;\">\n\t\t\t<a href=\"https:\/\/www.thebrokeronline.eu\/files\/var\/broker\/storage\/images\/images\/broker-17\/intern-peacemaker-4-pag.-27\/723441-1-eng-gb\/intern-peacemaker-4-pag.-27.jpg\" target=\"\" rel=\"prettyPhoto\"><br \/>\n\t\t\t<img decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/www.thebrokeronline.eu\/files\/var\/broker\/storage\/images\/images\/broker-17\/intern-peacemaker-4-pag.-27\/723441-1-eng-gb\/intern-peacemaker-4-pag.-27_article_full.jpg\" alt=\"\" align=\"left\"><br \/>\n\t\t<\/a><\/p>\n<div class=\"attribute-caption\" style=\"width:580px;\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<strong>Reuters\/ Denis Balibouse<\/strong>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n<div class=\"attribute-caption\" style=\"width:580px;\">\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"><i>The Norwegian model: Erik Solheim, development minister, during Sri Lankan peace talks, October 2006.<\/i>\n\t\t<\/div>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">The most significant <i>intellectual <\/i>critiques of Norway\u2019s international role in development and peacemaking have been provided by professors Terje Tvedt and \u00d8yvind \u00d8sterud. In 2003, Tvedt, a historian at the University of Bergen, published a study that presented a fresh reading of what he termed \u2018the south-political project\u2019. With new and controversial terminology, Tvedt described a \u2018do-good regime\u2019 [<i>godhetsregime<\/i>] where \u2018elite circulation\u2019 between the political, research and NGO sectors has created a \u2018national-corporatist\u2019 system. Those inside this system, argued Tvedt, have substantial self-interest in international aid and simultaneously shape the policy and prevent the system from being criticized.<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">Professor \u00d8sterud, a prominent political scientist at the University of Oslo, triggered fierce public debate, later dubbed \u2018the aid war\u2019, with an editorial in <i>Aftenposten<\/i> in 2006. \u00d8sterud questioned what had been achieved by decades of Norwegian international assistance or by the country\u2019s more recent role as a peacemaker.<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">In a subsequent magazine article, \u00d8sterud described how many former aid workers and experts had contacted him telling how they had criticized over-financed, wasteful and failed projects, only to be told to keep quiet or their contracts would be terminated. \u00d8sterud also questioned Norway\u2019s achievements \u2013 or indeed what any country without leverage can achieve \u2013 in bringing about peace. \u2018There are many indications that what is missing in this world is not primarily brokers and facilitators\u2019, he remarked.<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">The most important critic of Norway\u2019s success is probably Hilde Henriksen Waage on the Middle East. Waage argued that the Oslo Accords were not so much the result of brilliant diplomacy, as of the weakness of the Palestinian side at the time. Although controversial when first published, this interpretation has since gained much ground.<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">As for systematic evaluations of international aid effectiveness, several studies suggest that Norwegian <i>and <\/i>international assistance has had limited success in stimulating economic growth and reducing poverty. But research also indicates that \u2018aid effectiveness has increased in recent years\u2019 and that international assistance can play an important role in poverty reduction. This lends support to the Norwegian government\u2019s focus on the Millennium Development Goals and its renewed emphasis on good governance, national ownership and poverty reduction.<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">In 2006, a report from a government-appointed committee also argued that aid had done little to increase investment and generate growth. Its main recommendation was that Norwegian long-term assistance should concentrate on \u2018poor countries with good governance, that are able and willing to achieve poverty reduction and economic development\u2019. These countries, in turn, should, as a rule, be allowed to manage the funds and bring about their own development.<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">These broad recommendations resonate with government policy. However, optimizing international assistance is a continous struggle. In November 2008, an evaluation report from the Office of the Auditor General found \u2018significant weaknesses\u2019 in \u2018realizing the goals of timely and effective assistance of high quality\u2019 in the management of Norway\u2019s humanitarian assistance. Case processing times were often too long, there were weaknesses in the financing system and follow-up was inadequate, according to the report.<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">Yet, despite a critical media and fluctuations in support for political parties, public support for Norway\u2019s international assistance remains high and fairly stable. The most recent survey by the Central Bureau of Statistics, in 2007, found that 15% of respondents would increase international assistance, while 47% would keep it at the current level and 32% would reduce it. Three-quarters of respondents also thought that Norwegian assistance is producing good results.<a name=\"eztoc25866_1\" id=\"eztoc25866_1\"><\/a><\/p>\n<h1>Further information<\/h1>\n<\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">\n\u2022 Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation: <a href=\"http:\/\/www.norad.no\/\" target=\"_blank\">www.norad.no<\/a><br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/><br \/>\n\u2022 A selection of Ministry of Foreign Affairs white papers in English: http:\/\/tiny.cc\/whitepapers<br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/>\u2022 Riksrevisjonen (2008) The Office of the Auditor General\u2019s Investigation into the Effectiveness of Norwegian Humanitarian Assistance, Document 3:2 (2008\u20132009): <a href=\"http:\/\/tiny.cc\/oag\" target=\"_blank\">http:\/\/tiny.cc\/oag<\/a><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p class=\"credit\">\n\t\t\tPhoto credit main picture:<br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tANP\/ Heiko Junge\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/p>\n<p>\t\t<!-- body --><br \/>\n\t\t<!-- footnotes --><\/p>\n<h3>Footnotes<\/h3>\n<ul class=\"footnotes\">\n<li>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#t1\" name=\"f1\"><br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t1.<br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">\u2018Norge har allerede doblet bistanden\u2019 [Norway has already doubled international assistance]. <i>Dagens N\u00e6ringsliv,<\/i> 23 July 2008.<\/p>\n<p><br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/li>\n<li>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#t2\" name=\"f2\"><br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t2.<br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">Ministry of Foreign Affairs white papers: St.meld. no 15, (2008\u20132009) <i>Interesser, ansvar og muligheter. Hovedlinjer i norsk utenrikspolitikk<\/i> [Interests, Responsibility and Opportunities: Main Lines in Norwegian Foreign Policy]; St.meld. no. 13 (2008\u20132009) <i>Klima, konflikt og kapital. Norsk utviklingspolitikk i et endret handlingsrom<\/i> [Climate, Conflict and Capital. Norwegian Development Policy: Adapting to Change]; St.meld. no. 40 (2008\u20132009) <i>Norsk humanit\u00e6r politikk<\/i> [Norwegian Humanitarian Policy]. http:\/\/tiny.cc\/whitepapers<\/p>\n<p><br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/li>\n<li>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#t3\" name=\"f3\"><br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t3.<br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">St.meld. nr. 15, p. 10.<\/p>\n<p><br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/li>\n<li>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#t4\" name=\"f4\"><br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t4.<br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">St.meld. nr. 13, pp. 6-7; St.meld. nr. 15, p. 11. <\/p>\n<p><br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/li>\n<li>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#t5\" name=\"f5\"><br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t5.<br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">Assistance given through multilateral organizations but earmarked for specific projects and programmes. <\/p>\n<p><br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/li>\n<li>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#t6\" name=\"f6\"><br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t6.<br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">All figures in this section are taken from the Norad website: <a href=\"http:\/\/www.norad.no\/\" target=\"_blank\">www.norad.no<\/a> <\/p>\n<p><br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/li>\n<li>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#t7\" name=\"f7\"><br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t7.<br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">\u2018Sviende norsk refs av FN-sjefen\u2019 [Scathing Norwegian Criticism of UN Boss]. <i>Aftenposten,<\/i> 19 August 2009. Subsequent official comments from the MFA did little to suggest that the assessment was not shared there. <\/p>\n<p><br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/li>\n<li>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#t8\" name=\"f8\"><br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t8.<br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">St.meld. nr. 13, p. 103.<\/p>\n<p><br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/li>\n<li>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#t9\" name=\"f9\"><br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t9.<br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">\nMinistry of Foreign Affairs, Development Cooperation 2009: <br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/><a href=\"http:\/\/www.regjeringen.no\/en\/dep\/ud\/selected-topics\/development_cooperation.html?id=1159\" target=\"_blank\">http:\/\/www.regjeringen.no\/en\/dep\/ud\/selected-topics\/development_cooperation.html?id=1159<\/a><\/p>\n<p><br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/li>\n<li>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#t10\" name=\"f10\"><br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t10.<br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">St.meld. nr. 15, p. 10.<\/p>\n<p><br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/li>\n<li>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#t11\" name=\"f11\"><br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t11.<br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">Jan Egeland (1988) <i>Impotent Superpower-Potent Small State: Potentials and Limitations of Human Rights Objectives in the Foreign Policies of the United States and Norway<\/i>. Scandinavian University Press.<\/p>\n<p><br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/li>\n<li>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#t12\" name=\"f12\"><br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t12.<br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">Eli Stamnes and Halvard Leira (2007),\u2019Aktivisme, politikk og forskning i det godes tjeneste\u2019 [Activism, politics and research for the purpose of doing good] (interview with Jan Egeland). <i>Internasjonal Politikk<\/i>, 65(4): 123-132, on p.125.<\/p>\n<p><br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/li>\n<li>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#t13\" name=\"f13\"><br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t13.<br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">St.meld. nr. 15.<\/p>\n<p><br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/li>\n<li>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#t14\" name=\"f14\"><br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t14.<br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">The main indicator being Norway\u2019s membership of NATO and the main exception its non-membership of the European Union.<\/p>\n<p><br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/li>\n<li>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#t15\" name=\"f15\"><br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t15.<br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">Progress Party statement on http:\/\/www.frp.no\/no\/Vi_mener<\/p>\n<p><br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/li>\n<li>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#t16\" name=\"f16\"><br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t16.<br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">Terje Tvedt (2003) <i>Utviklingshjelp, utenrikspolitikk og makt. Den norske modellen [International Assistance, Foreign Policy and Power: The Norwegian Model<\/i>]. Oslo: Gyldendal.<\/p>\n<p><br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/li>\n<li>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#t17\" name=\"f17\"><br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t17.<br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">\u00d8yvind \u00d8sterud (2006), \u2018Lite land som humanit\u00e6r stormakt?\u2019 [A small country as a humanitarian great power?] <i>Nytt Norsk Tidsskrift<\/i>, 4: 303-313.<\/p>\n<p><br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/li>\n<li>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#t18\" name=\"f18\"><br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t18.<br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">\u00d8yvind \u00d8sterud (2004) \u2018Lite land redder verden\u2019 [A small country saving the world] (op-ed). Aftenposten 7, June 2006. <\/p>\n<p><br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/li>\n<li>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#t19\" name=\"f19\"><br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t19.<br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">\nSee Hilde Henriksen Waage (2004) <i>Peacemaking Is a Risky Business: Norway\u2019s Role in the Peace Process in the Middle East<\/i>, 1993\u201396. PRIO Report. Oslo: PRIO. <br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/>http:\/\/www.prio.no\/Research-and-Publications\/Project\/?oid=63744<\/p>\n<p><br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/li>\n<li>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#t20\" name=\"f20\"><br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t20.<br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">Rune Jansen Hagen and Karl Rolf Pedersen (2002) <i>Norsk bistand femti \u00e5r: Resultater og utfordringer.<\/i> [Norwegian International Assistance Fifty Years On: Achievements and Challenges]. Institutt for Samfunns\u00f8konomi, Norges Handelsh\u00f8yskole. Samfunns\u00f8konomisk Debatt, 19.<\/p>\n<p><br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/li>\n<li>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#t21\" name=\"f21\"><br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t21.<br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"><i>Nye roller for frivillige organisasjoner i utviklingssamarbeidet. Utredning fra utvalg oppnevnt av Utenriksdepartementet<\/i> [New roles for voluntary organizations in development cooperation. Report from a committee appointed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs], 15 June 2006.<\/p>\n<p><br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/li>\n<li>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#t22\" name=\"f22\"><br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t22.<br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">J\u00f8rn Ratts\u00f8 (2006) \u2018Bistandsreform: Organisasjonenes roller\u2019 [International Assistance Reform: The Role of the Organization] (op-ed). <i>Verdens Gang<\/i>, 22 August. (Ratts\u00f8 served as chair of the committee). <\/p>\n<p><br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/li>\n<li>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#t23\" name=\"f23\"><br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t23.<br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">Riksrevisjonen (2008) <i>The Office of the Auditor General\u2019s Investigation into the Effectiveness of Norwegian Humanitarian Assistance<\/i>, Document 3:2 (2008\u20132009). <a href=\"https:\/\/www.thebrokeronline.eu\/files\/nr\/rdonlyres\/33f730d7-512d-47e5-ac6a-a3af2c6c8520\/0\/eng_doc_3_2_2008_2009.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">View PDF <\/a><\/p>\n<p><br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/li>\n<li>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#t24\" name=\"f24\"><br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t24.<br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">Humanitarian aid amounts to about 1\/10 of Norway\u2019s total international assistance.<\/p>\n<p><br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/li>\n<li>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#t25\" name=\"f25\"><br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t25.<br \/>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\">Central Bureau of Statistics (2007) <i>Holdninger til og kunnskap om norsk bistand, 2006<\/i>. 17 April 2025 <a href=\"https:\/\/www.thebrokeronline.eu\/files\/emner\/00\/01\/30\/rapp_200713\/rapp_200713.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">View PDF <\/a><\/p>\n<p><br class=\"yunu3cvqabft7vifv\"\/>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>\t\t<!-- footnotes -->\n\t\t<\/div>\n<\/article>\n<div class=\"clear\"><\/div>\n<section class=\"commentform content column wide left\">\n<div class=\"disqus_content\">\n\t\t\t<a name=\"comments\" id=\"comments\"><\/a><\/p>\n<div id=\"disqus_thread\"><\/div>\n<p>\t\t\t<script type=\"text\/javascript\">\n\t\t\t\t\/* * * CONFIGURATION VARIABLES: EDIT BEFORE PASTING INTO YOUR WEBPAGE * * *\/\n\t\t\t\tvar disqus_shortname = 'broker'; \/\/ required: replace example with your forum shortname\n\t\t\t\tvar disqus_identifier = '3815';\n\t\t\t\t\/* * * DON'T EDIT BELOW THIS LINE * * *\/\n\t\t\t\tfunction trackComment(comment)\n\t\t\t\t{\n\t\t\t\t\tconsole.log(comment);\n\t\t\t\t}\n\t\t\t\tfunction disqus_config() {\n\t\t\t\t\tthis.callbacks.onNewComment = [function() { \n\t\t\t\t\tconsole.log(comment);\n\t\t\t\t\t}];\n\t\t\t\t}\n\t\t\t\t(function() {\n\t\t\t\t\tvar dsq = document.createElement('script'); dsq.type = 'text\/javascript'; dsq.async = true;\n\t\t\t\t\tdsq.src = '\/\/' + disqus_shortname + 'https:\/\/www.thebrokeronline.eu\/files\/articles\/.disqus.com\/embed.js';\n\t\t\t\t\t(document.getElementsByTagName('head')[0] || document.getElementsByTagName('body')[0]).appendChild(dsq);\n\t\t\t\t})();\n\t\t\t<\/script><br \/>\n\t\t\t<!--\n\t\t\t<noscript>Please enable JavaScript to view the <a href=\"http:\/\/disqus.com\/?ref_noscript\">comments powered by Disqus.<\/a><\/noscript>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"http:\/\/disqus.com\" class=\"dsq-brlink\">comments powered by <span class=\"logo-disqus\">Disqus<\/span><\/a>\n\t\t\t-->\n\t\t<\/div>\n<\/section>\n<\/section>\n","protected":false,"raw":""},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>International peacemaker Norwegian development cooperation Sven Gunnar&nbsp;Simonsen | November [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":0,"featured_media":0,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"template_2.php","meta":{"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-87","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v24.2 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/wordpress\/plugins\/seo\/ -->\n<title>International peacemaker \/ Articles - The Broker<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Norway is a generous donor and enjoys high visibility as a peace broker. 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